I have watched in horror as Gaza has been reduced to a landscape of rubble and despair: children dying of hunger, families drinking brackish water, hospitals rendered inoperative by deliberate bombardment and blackouts, civilians shot dead while queueing for food. In the face of this unfolding catastrophe, our government’s response has fallen woefully short of the obligations it voluntarily accepted when it ratified the 1948 Genocide Convention. Article 1 of that Convention imposes on the United Kingdom not only the duty to punish genocide after the event, but critically—and urgently—the duty to prevent it. By waiting for a court’s formal verdict before acting, we risk complicity in the worst of crimes.
We cannot look away. In January 2024 the International Court of Justice warned of a “plausible risk” of genocide in Gaza. UN agencies have described it as the hungriest place on earth, where blockades and bombardment have cut off nearly all life-saving aid. Amnesty International has meticulously documented patterns of deliberate starvation, the systematic destruction of civilian homes and infrastructure, the forced displacement of entire communities, and dehumanising rhetoric from political and military leaders that strips Palestinians of their personhood. Taken together, these actions—starvation as a weapon of war, the ruination of hospitals and water systems, forced eviction orders against civilians under fire—meet the Convention’s criteria for genocidal intent.
The human cost of inaction is intolerable. Starvation as a method of warfare is cruel beyond imagining; forced displacement under unsafe conditions inflicts trauma and devastates communities; destruction of essential services extinguishes hope. Behind every statistic is a person whose life is as precious as any other. I am reminded of Omar El Akkad’s words that “it may seem now like it’s someone else’s children, but there’s no such thing as someone else’s children.”
By the time a judicial body pronounces genocide has occurred, it may be too late for those whose lives hang in the balance today. Prevention must precede proof. And yet, our government has responded with half-measures: limited suspension of some arms export licences, a few targeted sanctions, references to generic humanitarian law assessments that do not even mention the risk of genocide. These steps are utterly inadequate when the evidence of atrocity is abundant and still mounting.
Every day that passes without a clear, comprehensive UK assessment of genocide risk is a moral failure. Policy decisions on arms exports, diplomatic engagement, and economic ties must be guided by a transparent evaluation of these risks. If the government has evidence showing a risk of genocide, it must acknowledge this publicly and mobilise every measure necessary to prevent it. If it judges the risk lower, it must justify that conclusion clearly in light of documented suffering and expert warnings. Without transparency, Parliament and the public cannot hold the government accountable. And yet Ministers repeatedly dodge the simple question: has the UK government conducted a risk assessment of genocide in Gaza? If not, why not? And if so, what does it say? Both our obligations under international law, and basic human decency, point in the same direction: we must do everything in our power to prevent such crimes.
Some may argue urgent steps risk diplomatic fallout or may strain alliances. But there is a clear red line here, and the Israeli government’s devastating and totally disproportionate action in Gaza has far overstepped it. If we deny our responsibility to act, we undermine the very principles we claim to uphold. Credibility is impossible without moral clarity. Our integrity on the world stage depends on aligning words with actions: condemning collective punishment in principle and taking concrete measures to prevent it in practice. Leadership requires confronting uncomfortable truths and choosing a decisive path to safeguard innocent lives.
In concrete terms, the UK must use all available tools to prevent further catastrophe. This includes recognising the State of Palestine without delay, signalling respect for Palestinian rights and land. It means banning importation of goods produced in illegal settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, refusing to profit from occupation that violates international law. It requires suspending all arms exports and military cooperation. It demands deploying every diplomatic, legal, and economic instrument to secure an immediate and lasting ceasefire and the release of all hostages, guarantee unfettered humanitarian access, and ensure accountability for war crimes. These measures, taken together, express our legal obligation to prevent rather than wait for judicial findings when lives hang in the balance.
Every day we refuse to act on the horrifying evidence coming out of Gaza, we betray our commitments under the Genocide Convention. To prevent genocide, we must act now: publish and act on risk assessments, centre the humanity of Palestinians, and mobilise every instrument at our disposal to end the ongoing suffering in Gaza. Anything less is a failure of conscience and a betrayal of those enduring unimaginable tragedies. We have a legal and a moral duty to do everything in our power to prevent genocide.
We cannot wait for the courts – The UK has a legal obligation to prevent genocide
