My Bill is not to restrict lobbying but to increase transparency of the activity

I am in no way opposed to lobbying. As a former lobbyist, how could I be?

Indeed, I find it particularly helpful in the Lords. MPs, in touch with their constituencies, hear directly from firms, the community, and other interested bodies about how proposed Bills – or needed legislation – affect relevant local interests.

For Peers, being able to hear from international, national, regional, local, professional or other interested parties – be these financiers, disabled groups, faith leaders, industry, workers, consumer groups or charities – on everything we discuss is an invaluable and essential ingredient to democracy and good government.

So the purpose of my Bill is not to restrict lobbying but to increase transparency of the activity by ensuring all those who lobby government – wherever they work and whoever they work for – should register and report their activity.

The existing legislation, the 2014 Lobbying Act, only requires consultants to register their lobbying of ministers and permanent secretaries. Extending the requirement to register in-house lobbyists should be easy for this government. It was Labour policy in Opposition and Angela Rayner, when Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, committed to expanding the lobbying register should Labour win the 2024 election.

In 2013 during the then Bill’s Second reading, I argued as the Lords Shadow Minister, that “we were promised a statutory register of lobbyists. Instead, we have a skeleton register of only consultant lobbyists, exempting 80% of the industry. The word “transparency” in the title is a misnomer. It misses most lobbyists.” Whilst in the Commons the then Shadow Secretary of State tabled amendments to extend the Register to all professional lobbyists.

Therefore, what I’m proposing is not new and is no more (often less) than what other jurisdictions require. It brings openness, but also an “equality of arms”. For example, small organisations, unable to afford their own Public Affairs departments, might use an outside body to help make representations to Ministers if they suddenly discover a Bill, or government policy, would adversely affect their business or wellbeing. That consultancy must be registered and report to the Registrar.

By contrast, a big company – with its own Public Affairs department possibly employing dozens – can approach ministers or senior civil servants with NO NEED to register, report or publicise their lobbying activity.

It’s surely right that MPs, journalists and the public should be able to see who has the ear of government whether over legislation, expenditure or any item of policy.

This position is strongly supported by Sir Peter Riddell (former Commissioner for Public Appointments) and the UCL Constitution Unit, and by the APPG on Anticorruption and Responsible Tax, which deems our regime inadequate, allowing opaque access to ministers and policy makers. The Chartered Institute of Public Relations (CIPR) that represents lobbyists, is similarly campaigning for it.

International experience shows the way, the CIPR describing the UK as having the narrowest register in comparative democracies. Their research shows that in Canada some 8,000 lobbyists must disclose the subject of communication and the people contacted. In contrast to the 290 organisations on the Westminster register, there are 14,000 in the States and 1,400 in Scotland for just a 5.5 million population. Germany, Ireland, Australia, and France all have more comprehensive lobbying registers than ours.

The Greensill scandal showed how major lobbying is below the radar because done by in house people, leading Sir Nigel Boardman’s 2021 report to call for significant reforms to our regime, as did the Commons Public Administration and Constitution Affairs Committee in 2024.

Yet nothing changed. Instead we are left with a system that, according to Transparency International, captures just 4% of lobbying activity.

The Mandelson revelations led Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer to ask the Ethics and Integrity Commission to review lobbying. It’s clear that this is a running sore which will never go away without firmer, comprehensive legislation. The time for this is now before another scandal further undermines trust in politics. And it can be done by my Private Members Bill, which has its first reading on 1 June.